Book 3, Letter 16, part 2 of 2 To Plutarch, on Origin Stories.

So, Plutarch, from here I'd like to diverge in my letter to bring up something from the beginning of Herodotus' Histories. The legend, as he claims, concerning the very origin of the conflict between east and west, or perhaps more specifically, between Hellas and Persia. I bring this up because it also concerns the kidnapping of women, and the curious attitudes towards this practice. (From the MaCaulay translation of Herodotus, Book 1)

The Phenicians arrived then at this land of Argos, and began to dispose of their ship’s cargo: and on the fifth or sixth day after they had arrived, when their goods had been almost all sold, there came down to the sea a great company of women, and among them the daughter of the king; and her name, as the Hellenes also agree, was Io the daughter of Inachos. These standing near to the stern of the ship were buying of the wares such as pleased them most, when of a sudden the Phenicians, passing the word from one to another, made a rush upon them; and the greater part of the women escaped by flight, but Io and certain others were carried off. So they put them on board their ship, and forthwith departed, sailing away to Egypt.

After this however the Hellenes, they say, were the authors of the second wrong; for they sailed in to Aia of Colchis and to the river Phasis with a ship of war, and from thence, after they had done the other business for which they came, they carried off the king’s daughter Medea: and the king of Colchis sent a herald to the land of Hellas and demanded satisfaction for the rape and to have his daughter back; but they answered that, as the Barbarians had given them no satisfaction for the rape of Io the Argive, so neither would they give satisfaction to the Barbarians for this.

From here I'd like to change over to the DeSelincourt translation...

Thus far there had been nothing worse than woman-stealing on both sides; but for what happened next the Greeks, they say, were seriously to blame; for it was the Greeks who were, in a military sense, the aggressors. Abducting young women, in their opinion, is not, indeed, a lawful act; but it is stupid after the event to make a fuss about it. The only sensible thing it to take no notice, for it is obvious that no young woman allows herself to be abducted if she does not wish to be. The Asiatics, according to the Persians, took the seizure of the women lightly enough, but not so the Greeks: the Greeks, merely on account of a a girl from Sparta, raised a big army, invaded Asia and destroyed the empire of Priam. From that root sprang their belief in the perpetual enmity of the Grecian world towards them.

Now, I know it's pointless to judge the morality of people from the ancient world by the standards of my own time, but there is something in that last passage that I can't get out of my head.

Abducting young women, in their opinion, is not, indeed, a lawful act; but it is stupid after the event to make a fuss about it. The only sensible thing it to take no notice, for it is obvious that no young woman allows herself to be abducted if she does not wish to be.

I can't decide if this is intended as a compliment to the strength of women, who it is assumed would never let themselves be abducted without putting up a fight (and by extension, defeating their kidnappers), or if it is proof that kidnapping of women was so common that people just didn't really care. The use of kidnapping as a pretext for war seems plausible, since this sort of thing has gone on all throughout history, and the famous story of the Trojan war certainly highlights the blurry line separating elopement and kidnapping, and the lies generals are willing to tell their kings in order to start a fight. I cannot, however, accept the notion that 'no young woman allows herself to be abducted if she does not wish to be.'

So, Plutarch, that's about all I wanted to bring up, just this weird, barbaric, grimy little slice of history, and the myths regarding the origin of what is still considered to be one of the greatest empires in all human history. Also, considering the never ending war between east and west, it is a matter of no small curiosity to read about the ancient origin story of the conflict, that, to this day, defines global politics, trade and even the lives of ordinary people all over the world.

It all began with a kidnapping...or a secret love affair, or both...

This is just the beginning. To really answer my question I will have to read about the Etruscans and King Tarquinius, (which will give me an opportunity to re-read the poem Horatius, by Macaulay). I will need to read about the first war against the Gauls led by Chief Brennus. I will need to learn of Titus Manlius and the Latin League. I expect I will have recourse to quote from you a great deal in this quest for understanding.

Thank you Plutarch, as always, you are a pleasure to read.

With admiration and respect,

Morgan.

*

PS.  A note to my readers.

I would just like to let you all know that my solo album was released a couple months ago.  It is a mixture of world influences, mostly Middle Eastern, but i don't want to go defining my sound for you, better that you hear it for yourself.

You can check it out at:

www.zebulonstoryteller.bandcamp.com

Also, you can follow the links at the top of the page to see my many youtube videos.

Thank you all for reading, and a special shout out to my new readers from Ukraine and Poland.  It is wonderful to know that you are enjoying my journey of discovery.  Please leave a comment on the page, or you can find me through Facebook if you would like to chat.

Thank you.

Morgan Taubert.  (aka Zebulon)

Book 3, Letter 16, part 1 of 2 To Plutarch, on Origin Stories

Dear Plutarch,

Today is a catastrophic fire alert day. I am ready for the possibility that I may have to flee with my family to safety. After packing a few clothes and some bottled water, I turned to my bookshelves. I packed Herodotus, I packed Seneca's Epistles, and I packed all your books Plutarch. I am proud to call you my friend and to value your writing as much as I do. With one bag full, I then I found an old leather doctor's bag and packed all of Cicero's books, and the Seven Pillars of Wisdom by TE Lawrence, then I packed Plato and Marcus Aurelius, Epictetus, a few books of poetry. I have my ukulele, my setar and my frame drum. My own collected writing is all stored on my computer, and backed up on external hard-drives. It is fascinating to make a list of this nature, and to identify so clearly the most important items in my possession.

The fires keep getting closer. Nearby towns are already being evacuated and a fire on the road leading to the nearby farm where I work is now being attended to. The rainless storm winds are reaching 90km per hour. Now, as the sun sets, the temperature is at last dropping from 45C. It should be 22C by nightfall. Fire fighters will work through the night. Heroic champions all of them. If any of these fires are found to have been deliberately lit, is is easy to imagine a return to public lynchings. However, I did not write to you today to talk about fires, books or mob justice.

Tangled as I have been in the Civil Wars of Rome, in Cicero's letters and Caesar's war stories, I have found myself asking the question, where did it begin? So, I turn to you, Plutarch. You who knew the old stories so well.

The story of Romulus and Remus is confusing, confounding, absurd, mythical, mundane and layered with so many possible variations, that discerning the historical truth of the events is impossible. Or, as you put it...(in the introduction to your life of Theseus – from the Dryden translation of 1906)

As geographers crowd into the edges of their maps parts of the world which they do not know about, adding notes in the margin to the effect, that beyond this lies nothing but sandy deserts full of wild beasts, unapproachable bogs, Scythian ice, or a frozen sea, so, in this work of mine, in which I have compared the lives of the greatest men with one another, after passing through those periods which probable reasoning can reach to and real history find a footing in, I might very well say of those that are farther off, Beyond this there is nothing but prodigies and fictions, the only inhabitants are the poets and inventors of fables; there is no credit, or certainty any farther.

Let us hope that Fable may, in what shall follow, so submit to the purifying processes of Reason as to take the character of exact history. In any case, however, where it shall be found contumaciously slighting credibility, and refusing to be reduced to any thing like probable fact, we shall beg that we may meet with candid readers, and such as will receive with indulgence the stories of antiquity.

I asked the question (where did it all begin..?) because I wanted to understand something about the pride that Cicero felt for his nation. He wrote, in a letter to Aulus Manlius Torquatus, in January 45BCE, '...you are living in a city which gave birth to, and fostered a systematic rule of life...' In order to understand that statement, I recently began reading An introduction to Roman Law, by Barry Nicholas, 1962, which has been far more exciting to read that I ever expected. I can see why Cicero would be proud of his city's legal history.

However, I'm getting ahead of myself, I wanted to understand the underlying myths that the Roman people told themselves about their origins. So, in your account of the legend of Romulus and Remus, I found a few things I would like to discuss. I'll try to summarise...

The two boys, founders of Rome, Romulus and Remus, were possibly the twins of a prostitute, or a vestal virgin, possibly kidnapped, or abandoned in the wild, possibly suckled by a great she-wolf...there are more variations, each of them equally plausible in my mind.

Their city site was chosen based upon a bogus oracular reading...actually, that's a good place to pause for a second. The Roman origin story, the founding myth, contains an open accusation that oracular readings could be falsified. The way you tell it seems to make plain that the whole system of bird auguries was far from reliable, in fact it reads to me like it was well understood that this religious belief was frequently manipulated by people in power to suit their own purposes.

So right off the bat, this founding myth sounds more like a cynical history than an ancient fairy tale. Certainly, Plutarch, by the time you were writing about it, the world had become very sophisticated, deeply cynical, and, enriched by hundreds of years of written history, Rome had developed a high level of self awareness and critical thinking. Reading Tacitus shows me just how jaded a 'modern' Roman might become, when exposed to the books, plays and luxury of high society, not to mention politics, court intrigues and war.

But, back to the story...

So they build the city, there's a bit of fighting with the neighbours, Romulus kills his own brother over a dispute about walls and city boundaries, and then comes the rape of the Sabines. Rome, at a critical stage in its early development, has buildings, roads, industry....but hardly any women. There were some attempts at making marriage deals with the neighbours, but when that fell through, treachery, kidnapping, rape and war was the next obvious step.

In the fourth month, after the city was built, as Fabius writes, the adventure of stealing the women was attempted; and some say Romulus himself, being naturally a martial man, and predisposed too, perhaps, by certain oracles, to believe the fates had ordained the future growth and greatness of Rome should depend upon the benefit of war, upon these accounts first offered violence to the Sabines, since he took away only thirty virgins, more to give an occasion of war than out of any want of women. But this is not very probable; it would seem rather that, observing his city to be filled by a confluence of foreigners, few of whom had wives, and that the multitude in general, consisting of a mixture of mean and obscure men, fell under contempt, and seemed to be of no long continuance together, and hoping farther, after the women were appeased, to make this injury in some measure an occasion of confederacy and mutual commerce with the Sabines, he took in hand this exploit after this manner

Setting up a big festival, the Romans invited their neighbours to celebrate, and right in the middle of the party, the Romans kidnap all the young women. Some say it was only a few pretty girls, others say it was hundreds of girls and a few married women. Some say it was a violent act, complete with rape, others claim that no such crimes were committed...the women were hostages, in the old fashioned method, taken to ensure peace with the neighbours, but this time with the added bonus of also granting wives to the unmarried men of Rome.

I've got to say Plutarch, as far as origin stories go, these Romans don't seem to be ashamed of airing their dirty laundry. I wonder, did you consider yourself better off having been born Greek? The Romans thought themselves superior to all other people, but I have this funny feeling that the Greeks were sometimes quietly laughing at the silly, sometimes pompous pride the Romans had for themselves.

Anyway, so there's a long gap between the kidnapping, and when the Sabines came back to rescue their women. It's a really long gap. Years. Children have been born in the intervening time, born of the 'arranged' marriages to the Roman men. When the Sabines come back to fight the Romans, the war is terrible, and many young men die. The wives take matters into their own hands and stop the fighting in the following manner.

For the daughters of the Sabines, who had been carried off, came running, in great confusion, some on this side, some on that, with miserable cries and lamentations, like creatures possessed, in the midst of the army, and among the dead bodies, to come at their husbands and their fathers, some with their young babes in their arms, others their hair loose about their ears, but all calling, now upon the Sabines, now upon the Romans, in the most tender and endearing words. Hereupon both melted into compassion, and fell back, to make room for them betwixt the armies. The sight of the women carried sorrow and commiseration upon both sides into the hearts of all, but still more their words, which began with expostulation and upbraiding, and ended with entreaty and supplication.

“Wherein,” say they, “have we injured or offended you, as to deserve such sufferings, past and present? We were ravished away unjustly and violently by those whose now we are; that being done, we were so long neglected by our fathers, our brothers, and countrymen, that time, having now by the strictest bonds united us to those we once mortally hated, has made it impossible for us not to tremble at the danger and weep at the death of the very men who once used violence to us. You did not come to vindicate our honor, while we were virgins, against our assailants; but do come now to force away wives from their husbands and mothers from their children, a succor more grievous to its wretched objects than the former betrayal and neglect of them. Which shall we call the worst, their love-making or your compassion? If you were making war upon any other occasion, for our sakes you ought to withhold your hands from those to whom we have made you fathers-in-law and grandsires. If it be for our own cause, then take us, and with us your sons-in-law and grandchildren. Restore to us our parents and kindred, but do not rob us of our children and husbands. Make us not, we entreat you, twice captives.”

...

Book 3, Letter 15: To Rafael Roccisano

Hey Raf,

I saw you on the street yesterday, and I thought I should pass this on to you. Another of your friends posted this on Facebook.

*

From Audry LeMay

There's a thousand stories to be told of our brother

Raf's generosity, passion, creativity, profound sense

of honour and belief in justice for all. It hurt me not to

hear a single one told during the service.

From the day Raf moved into my house, there was not

a week he didn't actively offer food shelter, love and

fire to those around us who needed it. I will always

cherish the memories I have of him sticking his neck

out for others. Those who would steal his last dance

and make his funeral a place to put their own anger

and pain do him a grave dishonour. Everybody hurts

but love is the greatest painkiller known to mankind.

Love is the law.

Our brother deserves better than to have his death

dance reduced to an angry public health

advertisement. I was particularly heartbroken that he

died kissing the bottle for sure. But it was my

experience THAT WHEN RAF WAS KISSING BOTTLES

HE WAS ALSO KISSING YOU!

RIP Rif Raf. This Bottle's for you old friend.

*

I saw you on the street at the Semaphore Street Fair yesterday. I was there, as I am every year, with drummers and belly dancers, when I saw you walk by. Only you didn't walk....you danced. You heard the Arabic music playing for the dancers on the stage and you grooved on by, giving me a wink as you did so. You looked young, maybe twenty. You looked happy, strong. I had to catch my breath after you passed by.

Then last night, I dreamed that I was speaking with you, telling you that I had seen you on the street. So now in the morning I am writing to tell you that I love you, that we all love you and miss you.

I hope wherever you are, and whatever you are doing, that you have friends around you, and that maybe in the morning, you will rise having dreamt of us. I hope that whatever street you walk down, that you are dancing. Thank you Rafael. In death you continue to help us, to offer up the lessons of your heart for us to learn from.

The after-party of Rafael Antonio Roccisano.

The stories of our lives don't have beginnings or endings. Everything in history is connected. We gather, dressed in black on the pier, a sunset storm describes the permeable boundary between two worlds. The land of the living and the land of the dead.

Rafael was such an important person in all our lives. His story continues to have a massive impact on all of us. We still cry, we still dream of him, we hear his voice in our heads, we expect to see him among familiar faces. He is gone, but his story is far from over.

The dead are not dead.  Rafael lives in us. It is a cliché, but I feel that it is true nonetheless.

After the flowers are scattered in the swelling ocean, after the ashes are poured out, along with our tears and our words and the last of the daylight, we part and make our way, separate, but forever connected by him who brought us together. His story is connected to ours. We played with him, we drank with him, we grew up, we fought, made up, told stories, took drugs, we laughed and cried and then he died.

But the dead do not die, so long as we live to speak their name. So long as their story is connected to ours, the dead do not die. We don't have beginnings or endings. Everything in us is connected.

*

The after-party kicks on within the hour. (There's a part of me that knows that Raf would be stoked to know that there was an after-party), We crowd around the fire, the darkness expelled from our hearts, the cold repelled from our skin, we drink. We drink.

We gather in the home of the Beersmith (a.k.a. the Alchemist, the Trickster). There is talk, and warm faces turn to meet, and our hugs are long and full of meaning. The click-duh-clack of pool balls is a gentle music against which we meet to say hello, to ask of each other, to listen and tell. There is laughter, a young boy plays wild games of adventure with adventurous adults. He whoops and hollers as only a child can, tilting and falling on an adult-sized see-saw with his father.

The Beersmith dances around a steamy pot wherein a new alchemy is being birthed. The air feels intoxicating, wet with humid aromas of yeast, grain, sugar. Reading from a recipe more chemistry than culinary, he counts his friends on both hands and both feet, and there are plenty more hands offered to help with the count. Tonight he is the host of something truly special, a scattered, spin-wheel of interwoven stories. He is surrounded by storytellers. Everywhere people talk of games, of journeys, of escapades, but also of maths and movies and books and every turn of phrase is another sort of good natured joke. We laugh at our youth, at our age, at our simple striving and quarrels.

The rain is gentle.

Beyond the reach of the sheltered back porch 

a-flood with light and colour,

beyond the shelter of our hands holding hands,

out there the night is very quiet.

The rain is gentle.

Out there, in here, Rafael.

*

PS: Your brother Gabe sent me this, after the party.

Beyond the reach of the sheltered back

porch. In the rain. His brother weeps.

Gnashing of teeth. Whole heart. Feet in

the dirt.

His brother weeps and is held. And he

holds another as she weeps. And they

both let go. And hold on. Their tears

mingling in the mud.

Book 3, Letter 14, part 2 of 2 To Marcus Aurelius, on the eclipse of the sun.

Dear Marcus,

* (some days have passed) *

I found a group of philosophers discussing Stoic ideals, and the question was asked whether or not, as a stoic, it was encouraged to seek help when facing mental health issues. The consensus was an overwhelming yes, and the following passage was quoted :

Book 7

Section 7

(George Long Translation)

Be not ashamed to be helped; for it is thy business to do thy duty like a soldier in the assault on a town. How then, if being lame thou canst not mount up on the battlements alone, but with the help of another it is possible?This brings up something that I have thought about in relation to ancient texts. Can advice relating to physical combat and war be transferred to peaceful conflicts, or to the inner struggles we face when relating to our own minds? I like to think that it can apply, and that concepts like struggle, enemy, death and wounding are as much a part of a psychological narrative as they are physical. I have been meaning to write to Sun Tzu about his book 'The Art of War' in order to discuss this very idea.

A letter for another day.

*

From: Meditations

Book 11, Section 34

(Gregory Hays translation)

As you kiss your son good night, says Epictetus, whisper to yourself, “He may be dead in the morning.”

Don't tempt fate, you say.

By talking about a natural event? Is fate tempted when we speak of grain being reaped?

I smiled when I found this quote. I am feeling much better today than I was when I began this letter to you. I spent this evening playing games and reading books with my son. There is no more consoling philosophy than play, and my son is the master teacher.

As I kissed him goodnight he told me excitedly of his plans for the next day.

Thank you Marcus, even if sometimes your advice is difficult, sometimes misleading, sometimes confusing, your book has a permanent place on my bedside table.

With gratitude and respect.

Morgan.

Book 3, letter 14, part 1 of 2 To Marcus Aurelius; on the eclipse of the sun

Dear Marcus,

The stress is unbearable sometimes. My arms feel like blocks of stone, I cannot lift my boulder hands from the bed, my legs, my head, all of me feels like crumbling granite. I struggle to breathe, like some leaden creature sits atop my chest choking me.

There is nothing worse than uncertainty.

Doom, I can handle,

but the uncertainty of an eclipse is unbearable.

For weeks the sun has shone upon me with its love, then in the blink of sleep, the light and warmth are replaced with an empty smile, a face always turning away, eyes that do not want to look, a voice that does not want to speak to me.

And every real expression becomes pretended.

What can I do Marcus? The past will never let go. Vulnerant omens, ultima necant. (Every hour wounds, the last one kills). What can I do with my echoing words that, once said, can never be taken back ? Forgiveness? Impossible. Forgetting? Impossible. What remains is the lingering feeling that I cannot tell right from wrong, I feel lost. I question my value as a human being, and find comfort in the fading bruises and persistent pain in my head each morning. Fighting with myself is a loosing battle.

*

From: Meditations

Book 10, Section 3

(Hays Translation)

Every thing that happens is either endurable or not.

If it’s endurable, then endure it. Stop complaining.

If it’s unendurable . . . then stop complaining.

Your destruction will mean its end as well.

Just remember: you can endure anything your mind can

make endurable, by treating it as in your interest to do so.

In your interest, or in your nature.

*

My destruction will mean its end as well huh? I really want this to be the advice that I need, but I do not have the luxury of self destruction, Marcus.

I have a life to live and a family to raise. I cannot endure in silence while the sun goes cold. At least I have you to write to, even if sometimes your advice is not so good. My stomach hurts.

*

From: Meditations.

Book 8, Section 47

“If thou art pained by any external thing, it is not this thing that disturbs thee, but thy own judgement about it. And it is in thy power to wipe out this judgement now. But if anything in thy disposition gives thee pain, who hinders thee from correcting thy opinion?”

It would be lovely if willpower alone could free a person from the bondage of their own mind, but the mind is not the only thing that remembers. The Body, the damn body stores everything, forgets nothing. Such discordant music the bones of my past mistakes compose, clattering as a broken xylophone in the sack of my living flesh. My disposition would free itself if it knew anything of freedom.

Who is it that hinders me from correcting my opinion?

It is easier for me to believe in demons and curses and the terrors of a personal eclipse, than it is for me to wipe away the judgement of a sun who refuses to shine on me.

So much is out of my hands, Marcus. I feel powerless.

Book 3, Letter 13 Part 3 of 3 To Caesar, on the Civil War.

Hail Caesar,

I have this idea, about the notion of consensus reality. It feels like there is very little consensus in my own era. The level of discussion, argument and flat out fighting over definitions, boundaries and ideologies seems to hum at a constant pitch just short of piercing. I find very little to rely upon as absolute truth. Working on the farm is about as good as it gets for me. I drive the shovel into the soil, I pluck the fruit from the tree, I trim the edges of the hedge, I plant the seeds. I cannot dispute the reality of cause and effect in the world of my work. It is very reassuring.

I say all this as a way to introduce the concept of consensus reality. What are the agreed upon facts of the situation? The whole story of you, of Julius Caesar, is wrapped up in a discussion about what we can accept as the truth.

You, Caesar, give us your version of reality, and after two thousand years we still rely upon it. We still discuss it, dispute it, debate and laugh about it. By writing this book, you defined the centre of the consensus. You walked in the middle of your own story, and by writing it down you continue, in immortality, to define the history of these events. We piece it together with others writing, we cross reference and disprove and prove, but through all of that what we are doing is learning the lessons you wanted to teach us.

Caesar, this book is what you wanted us to know about the Civil War. It's what you wanted everyone around you to know, and to believe to be true. This book is of course, a masterful piece of military/political propaganda, but it is also the thoughts and beliefs of one Julius Caesar, telling a story about the reality of your life. You made the consensus we now orbit. Amidst the lack of agreement, division, disagreement and war of your own era, you laid down the centre-path of your own reality. You sold it, worked it, promoted it and lived it to the bloody end.

Your book is a version of the truth that we, your readers, can agree or disagree with. By comparing your version of the story, with Cicero's, I find that if neither perspective can be said to be absolute truth, the middle ground, the space in dispute between your two perspectives, can be said to be the territory where the truth rests. I like to imagine truth to be an invisible space existing between the boundaries of many perspectives. I cannot ever really see it, but I can describe its edges.

Part 2. 5 “From the camp of Gaius Trebonius and from all the high ground it was easy to look into the city and to see how all the men of military age who had remained in the town, all the older men, and the wives and children, were stretching their hands to heaven in the public squares or at the look-out points or on the wall, or were going to the temples of the immortal gods and prostrating themselves in front of the statues of the gods and begging for victory.”

Did you really see this at the siege of Masillia? I can see it in my mind. You have a strange way of describing your enemies, Caesar. You never insult them. You might say hard or harsh things, but you never stoop to insults. You tend to the reverse, making note of your enemies valour, courage and ferocity. It is a good trait, I will admit, it makes me like you more.

“My aim is to outdo others in justice and equity, as I have previously striven to outdo them in achievement.”

The cynic would argue that this statement too is only a piece of political showmanship, a way to cover the realpolitik of your goal to achieve dictatorship. War is a savage and prolonged series of public slaughters, and you were the lord of war. War is also a massive complex collision of maths, geography, and psychology. A good commander must be able to understand the motivations of his own soldiers, and that of the enemy. A good commander would know exactly what to write, and exactly to whom he was writing – this is military marketing at its best.

However, the legends of the Civil War, as you tell them, can only fall short of the truth. The discussion then, is really about how far from the truth your story is.

So, I will end my letter here, Caesar, (though the discussion is far from over...). I have just read chapter 3, of part 3: 'Trouble in Italy'. This chapter is only two pages long, but I think that I will need a whole letter to discuss the massive events you describe therein.

With Gratitude and Respect.

Morgan.

Book 3, Letter 13, Part 2 of 3. To Caesar on the Civil War

Hail Caesar,

Part 3 of your book begins with your first actions as Dictator in Rome. You were first elected as Consul, then you recalled from exile a few compatriots whom you considered to have been unfairly judged under an old law of Pompey.

Your next act as dictator was to abdicate the position.

I love this. My son told me a story recently about a peculiar piece of Catholic church history, regarding the forced election of a peasant to the position of Pope. His first and only act as supreme leader, was to pass a law making it possible for a Pope to resign from the position. He then quit.

This seems the mark of a good dictator, particularly in Rome which has a history of the office of dictator being granted upon individuals by the vote of free citizens. Absolute power doesn't seem to be your goal, at least not yet. When you were granted the dictatorship you used it to repeal a law you considered unjust, and then you returned authority to the Senate. Of course, this act must have also freed you from the obligation to remain in Rome, allowing you to take your army on the march again. Still, it seems like a good move.

A little later on, after crossing the sea with your army from Brundisium to Palaeste, you sent another message to Pompey:

Part 3. 10. “Both of us ought to stop being obstinate, disarm, and not tempt fortune further. We have both suffered enough damage to serve as a lesson and a warning, and make us fear the ills that still remain. You have been driven from Italy, you have lost Sicily, Sardinia and both the Spanish in provinces, and 130 cohorts of Roman citizens in Italy and Spain (about 65,00 men). I have suffered the death of Curio, the loss of the African army and the surrender of Antonius and his men at Corcyra Nigra. Let us therefore spare both ourselves and Rome; our own losses have given us enough proof of the power of fortune in war. This is the best time of all to discuss peace, while we are both confident and appear equally matched; but if fortune should favour one, only a little, the one who seems the better off will have nothing to do with terms of peace, nor will he be satisfied with an equal share, when he believes he can have everything. As for the conditions of peace, since we ourselves have been unable to reach a settlement up till now, we should ask the Senate and people at Rome to frame terms. Meanwhile, it should content the State and ourselves if we at once swear publicly to dismiss our armies within three days. When he have laid down our arms and the support on which we now rely, then we shall perforce be content with the decisions of the Senate and people. So that you can agree to this the more readily, I undertake to dismiss all my forces on land and in the various cities.”

But, Caesar, this attempt at negotiations failed as well. It seems that Pompey preferred the most unjust war, to any kind of just peace.

Part3. 18 “Once the flurry caused by Caesar's sudden arrival had subsided, Vibullius, as soon as appeared practicable, called in Libo and Lucceius and Theophanes, Pompey's principal confidential advisers, and began to discuss Caesar's proposals. He had barely started when Pompey interrupted and forbade him to say any more. 'What do I want,' he said, 'with life or citizenship which I shall appear to possess by Caesar's good grace? And that will be the ineradicable impression, if people think that I have been brought back to Italy, which I left voluntarily.' Caesar learned of this after the end of the war from persons who were present at the conversation. None the less he went on trying by other means to have conferences to discuss peace.”

Caesar, it has been said that your truce offerings to Pompey were made with the full knowledge that Pompey would refuse them, and that you did in fact make such stipulations as you knew would absolutely lead to war. Considering this, your magnanimous gestures look like any other political manoeuvre. Everything in your book, Caesar, is double-speak, and I must remember this at all times.

There's nothing civil about civil war.